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BookHelper. #Behavioral Economics: Past, Present, and Future. Part 9. Языковая поддержка для изучающих английский язык


1588 THE AMERICAN ECONOMIC REVIEW JULY 2016

of Apple, we can say for sure that odd-share certificates (if such things still exist) should sell for the same price as even-numbered shares. I have explored several such examples in work with Owen Lamont,[7] and he recently told me about another one that I will describe here. One type of security that has provided a fruitful source of tests of the law of one price is closed-end mutual funds (a closed-end fund (CEF) or closed-ended fund is a collective investment model based on issuing a fixed number of shares which are not redeemable from the fund. ... Closed-end funds are usually listed on a recognized stock exchange and can be bought and sold on that exchange, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=msXDmc5Yyas ). Unlike their open-ended cousins, which accept new investments that are valued at the net asset value of the securities held by the fund, and then redeem (to exchange a piece of paper representing an amount of money for that amount of money or for goods equal in cost to that amount of money) withdrawals  the same way, closed-end funds are, as their name suggests, closed to new investors. Rather, when the fund starts, a certain amount of money is raised and invested, and then the shares in the fund trade on organized markets such as the New York Stock Exchange. The curious fact about closed-end funds, noted early on by Graham (1949) among others, is that the price of the shares is not always equal to the net asset value of the underlying securities (the underlying of a derivative is an asset, basket of assets, index, or even another derivative, such that the cash flows of the (former) derivative depend on the value of this underlying. https://www.investopedia.com/terms/u/underlying-asset.asp ). Funds typically sell at discounts of 10–15 percent, but sometimes sell at substantial premia. This is the story of one such fund. The particular fund I want to highlight here happens to have the ticker symbol (a ticker symbol is an arrangement of characters—usually letters—representing particular securities listed on an exchange or otherwise traded publicly. When a company issues securities to the public marketplace, it selects an available ticker symbol for its securities that investors and traders use to transact orders) CUBA. Founded in 1994, its official name is the Herzfeld Caribbean Basin Fund, which has 69 percent of its holdings in US stocks with the rest in foreign stocks, chiefly Mexican. It gave itself the ticker “CUBA” despite the fact that it owns no Cuban securities nor has it been legal for any US company to do business in Cuba since 1960 (although that may change at some point). The legal proviso (a term or condition in a contract or title document), plus the fact that there are no traded securities in Cuba, means that the fund has no financial interest in the country with which it shares a name. Historically, the CUBA fund traded at a 10–15 percent discount to Net Asset Value. Figure 1 plots both the share price and net asset value for the CUBA fund for a time period beginning in September 2014. For the first few months we can see that the share price is trading in the normal 10–15 percent discount range. Then something abruptly happens on December 18, 2014. Although the net asset value  (Net Asset Value (NAV) is the value of a fund's asset less the value of its liabilities per unit) of the fund barely moves, the price of the shares jumped to a 70 percent premium. Whereas it had previously been possible to buy $100 worth of Caribbean assets for just $90, the next day those assets cost $170! As readers have probably guessed, this price jump coincided with President Obama’s announcement of his intention to relax the United States’ diplomatic relations with Cuba. Although the value of the assets in the fund remained stable, the substantial premium lasted for several months, finally disappearing about a year later. This example and others like it show that prices can diverge significantly from intrinsic value (intrinsic value is the anticipated or calculated value of a company, stock, currency or product determined through fundamental analysis. It includes tangible and intangible factors. Intrinsic value is also called the real value and may or may not be the same as the current market value), even when intrinsic value is easily measured and reported daily. What then should we think about broader market indices? Can they also get out of whack (out of order; not working)? Certainly, the run-up of technology stocks in the late 1990s looked like a bubble at the time, with stocks selling for very high multiples of earnings (or sales for those without profits), and it was followed by a decline in prices of more than two thirds in the NASDAQ index. We experienced a similar pattern in the housing boom in the mid 2000s, especially in some cities such as Las Vegas and Phoenix. Prices sharply diverged from their long-term trend of selling for roughly 20 times rental prices,


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Figure 1. Price and Net Asset Value for CUBA Fund Note: On December 18, 2014, President Obama announced he was going to lift several restrictions against Cuba.
Source: Bloomberg

only to fall back to the long-term trend. Because of the various forms of leverage (the ratio of a company's loan capital (debt) to the value of its ordinary shares (equity); gearing, https://www.investopedia.com/terms/l/leverage.asp ) involved, this rise and fall in prices helped create the global Great Recession. The difference between the CUBA example and these much larger bubbles is that it is impossible to prove that prices in the latter were ever wrong. There is no clear smoking gun (clear proof that someone has done something wrong or illegal). But it certainly feels like asset prices can diverge significantly from fundamental value. Perhaps we should adopt the definition of market efficiency proposed by Fischer Black (1986) in his presidential address to the American Finance Association, which had the intriguing one word title “Noise (economic noise, or simply noise, describes a theory of pricing developed by Fischer Black. Black describes noise as the opposite of information: hype, inaccurate ideas, and inaccurate data. His theory states that noise is everywhere in the economy and we can rarely tell the difference between it and information).” 



Black (1986, p. 553 (1938 – 30.08.1995, was an American economist, best known as one of the authors of the famous Black–Scholes equation) says “we might define an efficient market as one in which price is within a factor of two of value, i.e., the price is more than half of value and less than twice value. The factor of two is arbitrary (used about actions that are considered to be unfair), of course. Intuitively, though, it seems reasonable to me, in light of sources of uncertainty about value and the strength of the forces tending to cause price to return to value. By this definition, I think almost all markets are efficient almost all the time. ‘Almost all’ means at least 90 percent.” One can quibble (to argue or complain about something that is not important) over various aspects of Black’s definition but it seems about right to me, and had Black lived to see the tech bubble of the 90s he might have revised his number up to three. I would like to make two points about this. The first is that the efficient market hypothesis has been a highly useful, indeed essential concept in the history of research on financial markets. In fact, without the EMH (Efficient Market Hypothesis) there would have been no benchmark with which to compare anomalous findings. The only danger created by the concept of the EMH is if people, especially policymakers, consider it to be true. If policymakers think that bubbles are impossible, then they may fail to take appropriate steps to dampen them. For example, I think it would have been appropriate to raise mortgage-lending requirements in cities where price to rental ratios seemed most frothy (froth refers to market conditions preceding an actual market bubble, where asset prices become detached from their underlying intrinsic values as demand for those assets drives their prices to unsustainable levels). Instead, this was a period in which lending requirements were unusually lax (not paying enough attention to rules, or not caring enough about quality or safety).

THE AMERICAN ECONOMIC REVIEW JULY 2016




[7] See Lamont and Thaler (2003a, 2003b).

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